The paper analyses the potential of a surcharge on national fuel taxes as sustainability-oriented own resource to finance
the EU budget. Our estimations show that such a surcharge could yield substantial revenues, ranging between 12.93 billion
€ (for a surcharge of 0.03 €) and 86.2 billion € (for a surcharge of 0.2 €) per year. Besides the contribution an EU fuel
tax would make to various sustainability-related EU goals and strategies, it would help to address two specific problems inherent
in the current EU system of fuel taxation. An EU fuel tax designed as a surcharge on national fuel taxes would decrease the
existing tax bias in favour of diesel, as the surcharge would be levied uniformly on gasoline and diesel, which in most EU
countries is taxed at lower rates, alike. Moreover, by increasing national fuel tax rates, the surcharge would – depending
on its level – mitigate or even remove the "under-taxation" of fuel in relation to the minimum fuel tax rates stipulated in
the EU Energy Tax Directive in a number of EU member countries, which is caused by the absence of regular inflation adjustment
of nominal fuel tax rates.
The empirical literature on mergers, market power and cooperation in differentiated markets has mainly focused on methods
relying on output and/or panel data. In contrast to this literature we propose an approach to analyse cooperative behaviour
among a group of firms only by making use of information on the spatial structure of a horizontally differentiated market.
Using spatial econometrics techniques we focus on differences in the pricing behaviour between different groups of firms,
i.e., alliance and stand-alone firms. We apply this method to the market for ski lift tickets using a unique data set on ticket
prices and detailed resort-specific characteristics covering all ski resorts in Austria. We show that prices of ski resorts
forming alliances are higher and increase with the size and towards the spatial center of an alliance. Interaction in pricing
is higher within than outside alliances. All results are in line with the findings of theoretical models on non-competitive
pricing behaviour in horizontally differentiated markets.
Robert Jandl, Ina Meyer, Reinhard Mechler, Markus Leitner, Michiko Hama
Macroeconomic imbalances in the EMU are at the heart of the current crisis. One explanation for the high current account deficits
in the Southern European countries is that they lack a large, competitive and export-oriented industrial sector. The paper
tests the hypothesis that parts of the structural change which happened in the EU before 2008 were supported by the divergent
unit labour cost developments in the EMU. We look into patterns of structural change and sectoral competitiveness in all EU
member countries and assess their linkages by means of a descriptive analysis as well as through econometric estimations.
Our results broadly support the hypothesis. Industrial policy, which aims at fostering new competitive export-oriented industries
in Southern Europe in order to reduce macroeconomic imbalances in the EMU, should thus be combined with adjustments in relative
in: ILPN Conference – 5th International Conference on Evidence-based Policy in Long-term Care
Recent projections of long-term care costs across Western societies show a significant rise in the upcoming decades. This
is mainly due to demographic developments, but also due to a reduction of families' capacities to deliver informal care. Thus,
an expansion of both mobile and in-patient care is inevitable. As the increasing demand alters both public and private expenditures,
it is worth taking a look beyond the conventional cost-based evaluation of long-term care developments and to evaluate the
economic effects induced by this growing sector. In that demand for care services increases, this poses chances for, but also
puts demands on other sectors of the economy, which go beyond the immediate effects and costs of the care institutions. Against
this background this paper presents a first analysis of the macroeconomic linkages of the long-term care sector for the case
CO2-Importzölle als Begleitmaßnahme für das EU-Emissionshandelssystem galten aufgrund der möglichen internationalen Vergeltungsmaßnahmen
und Klagen vor der WTO bisher als No-Go. Die durch US-Präsident Trump und den Brexit entstandene Bewegung in Sachen Zölle
wie auch die laufende Diskussion um alternative Finanzierungsquellen für das EU-Budget könnten es allerdings erlauben, CO2-Zölle
auf die EU-Agenda zu setzen, wie dieser Beitrag zeigt.